Showing posts with label Siberia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Siberia. Show all posts

Sunday, October 26, 2014

“Lower Volga People’s Republic”—Internet Prank, or a New Autonomist Headache for the Kremlin?


Kremlin authorities are still baffled by an apparent Internet prank on October 7th which declared Astrakhan Oblast was declaring independence from the Russian Federation as the “Lower Volga People’s Republic.”

Astrakhan is thought of as the southernmost extent of ethnic-Russian settlement
and is in an historically and ethnically volatile neighborhood.
The announcement (pictured at the top of this article) appeared for about two hours on the website of the oblast’s legislature. It read, in part, “The short-sighted and criminal policies of the federal authorities have put the country on the brink of catastrophe.  The authorities have fully discredited themselves, having lost the huge amount of trust given to them.”  The declaration was purported to be co-signed by several oblast officials, including Governor Aleksandr A. Zhilkin, the Duma (parliament) chairman Aleksandr B. Klykanov, the local F.S.B. (state security, erstwhile K.G.B.) head Yuri V. Selyshev, and one Igor Ivanovich Strelkov, identified as “Commander of the People’s Militia.”  (This, coincidentally or not, is the name of a colonel and former F.S.B. agent who earlier this year became a prominent paramilitary leader in the Donetsk People’s Republic rebellion.)


The name of the Lower Volga People’s Republic republic echoes those of the two Kremlin-backed rebel governments which unilaterally seceded from Ukraine earlier this year after the Russian invasion and annexation of Crimea: the Donetsk People’s Republic and Lugansk People’s Republic.  (Three other declared republics, the Kharkov People’s Republic in Ukraine’s northeast and so-called people’s republics in Odessa and Transcarpathia oblasts in western Ukraine, were never backed by any “facts on the ground” in the form of physical secession.)  These “people’s republics” have less to do with actual state socialism or the rights of workers, as their names suggest, and more to do with recalling the symbols of a lost past when Ukraine was ruled from Moscow.  In fact, they are run by undemocratic paramilitary juntas, with strings probably pulled from the Kremlin.

Aleksandr Zhilkin, Astrakhan’s governor, was not amused.
Probably, the Lower Volga declaration evoked the Ukrainian rebel republics as a satirical observation of the fact that President Vladimir Putin advocates federalism and balkanization in Ukraine while tightening central control over regional governments at home in Russia.  But Astrakhan Oblast sits in a region with a separatist past.  Comprising the Volga River delta the oblast’s capital is Astrakhan, sometimes called the southernmost outpost of the Russian world.  To its east is the former Soviet republic of Kazakhstan.  (Kazakhs make up 16% of the oblast population, and Volga Tatars another 7%; nearly all the rest are ethnic Russians.)  To its southwest is the Republic of Kalmykia, a member of the Russian Federation populated by Asiatic people following Tibetan Buddhism who after the collapse of the Soviet Union nearly seceded under the leadership of their charismatic president, Kirsan Ilyumzhinov, a chess grandmaster and self-described U.F.O. contactee who boasted of psychic powers and chummed around with dictators like Moammar al-Qaddafi and Saddam Hussein.  Just past Kalmykia and the Terek steppes is the volatile Caucasus region, where nearly every one of the dozens of separate indigenous ethnic groups has some form of separatist rebellion brewing.  Across the Caspian Sea to the east are the Russian-populated Transcaspia region in Kazakhstan, where Cossacks have occasionally itched to secede from Kazakhstan and join Russia, and just beyond that the separatist Republic of Karakalpakstan within independent Uzbekistan.  Just upriver from Astrakhan is the former territory of the Volga German People’s Republic, which flourished before Soviet feelings toward its ethnic Germans soured with Adolf Hitler’s violation of his non-aggression pact with Josef Stalin.  (Both Leonid Brezhnev and Mikhail Gorbachev proposed restoring the republic until local Germanophobe Russians rose up against the idea.)

Coat-of-arms of the erstwhile Kuban People’s Republic
More to the point, perhaps, just to the southwest of Astrakhan is Krasnodar Krai, a mostly ethnic-Russian and ethnic-Ukrainian republic between Crimea and the Caucasus on the Black Sea, which includes Sochi, site of this year’s Winter Olympics.  It is here that Russian authorities last month jailed a leftist activist named Darya Polyudova for holding a rally asking for more autonomy for Krasnodar Krai.  Though she wasn’t asking for independence, she was arrested under a new law brought into force this year which makes the advocacy of separatism a crime.  This August (as reported on at the time in this blog) the Kremlin also cracked down on autonomy activists in Siberia, who, like Polyudova, were in fact asking for nothing more than the autonomy guaranteed regions in the Russian constitution—rights which Putin has systematically eroded into almost nothing.  Timed to coincide with the Siberian “day of action” that ended with police round-ups were autonomy rallies (reported on at the time in this blog) in Kaliningrad (Russia’s westernmost point, a formerly-German exclave wedged between Poland and Lithuania on the Baltic Sea), Yekaterinburg in Sverdlovsk Oblast (Boris Yeltsin’s home region, which attempted secession too after the Soviet collapse), and Krasnodar.  In Krasnodar, the August rally organizers were calling for the reestablishment of the Kuban Republic, a Menshevik (anti-Bolshevik) “people’s republic” which flourished briefly in the area during the Russian Civil War that followed the 1917 Communist revolution.

The autonomy activist Darya Polyudova is being held by the F.S.B. on separatism charges.
Police arrested Polyudova and other activists on “hooliganism” charges at that August rally, after alleged pro-Kremlin provocateurs incited a brawl.  Her family knew nothing of her whereabouts and waited in vain for her release when her one-month sentence ran out.  Then, the Public Monitoring Commission, a prisoners’ rights group in the area, located Polyudova a few days later in a Federal Security Service (F.S.B.—erstwhile K.G.B.) lock-up where she had been transferred.  Two other activists, Vyacheslav Martynov and Pyotr Lyubchenkov, have sought political asylum in Ukraine.  Polyudov’s group still advocates for “residents of Kuban whose rights are being violated, including the rights of ethnic Ukrainians.”  (Needless to say, this is not a very comfortable point in history to be an ethnic Ukrainian living in Russia proper.)

Some Cossack hosts formed brief-lived republics during the Russian Civil War
(shown here in relation to Astrakhan).
After the Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991, many thought it was ethnic minorities like Chechens and Tatars that might be the undoing of what was left of the Russian empire.  But with those populations mostly beaten down by war and repression, it is ordinary Russians in the provinces who are today challenging Putin to live up to the “Federation” part of “Russian Federation.”

Current flag of Astrakhan Oblast

[For those who are wondering, yes, this blog is tied in with my new book, a sort of encyclopedic atlas just published by Litwin Books under the title Let’s Split! A Complete Guide to Separatist Movements and Aspirant Nations, from Abkhazia to Zanzibar.  (That is shorter than the previous working title.)  The book, which contains 46 maps and 554 flags (or, more accurately, 554 flag images), is available for order now on Amazon.  Meanwhile, please “like” the book (even though you haven’t read it yet) on Facebook and see this special announcement for more information on the book.]



Monday, August 18, 2014

Autonomy Activism Spreads from Siberia to Krasnodar, Kaliningrad, Yekaterinburg on Day of Action as Kremlin Cracks Down

Kaliningrad autonomists displaying Prussian flags in defiance of Moscow
Is Russia experiencing a second wave of anti-Moscow uprisings, after the initial, post-Communist uprisings that ended so bloodily in the Chechen Wars?


As reported earlier this month in this blog, bohemian ethnic-Russian activists in Siberia were planning a march for greater autonomy (not independence) for August 17th.  The day arrived yesterday, but, according to Western media, authorities quickly shut down a protest of about 40 people in Novosibirsk, Russia’s third-largest city and Siberia’s notional capital.  At least nine people were arrested, including an organizer, Konstantin Yeremenko, and some alleged to be resisting arrest.  Another organizer, Alexei Baranov, found a severed sheep’s head left on the doorstep of his home in Novosibirsk on the day of the march.  In Siberia’s second-largest city, Omsk, police closed a central square before any demonstration could begin.

One activist wearing a “Stop Feeding Moscow!” t-shirt
was hauled off by police (as posted on Twitter).
The Novosibirsk mayoral office had denied the marchers a permit, “in order,” supposedly, “to ensure the inviolability of the constitutional order, territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Russian Federation.”  The planned march had been officially called the “March for the Inviolability of the Constitutional Order,” in order to call attention to the fact that autonomy is guaranteed in the Russian constitution.  But the authorities seem so ingrained in their doublethink that they weren’t even embarrassed by the contradiction.  Authorities also banned a planned march by a radical Communist fringe group called the National–Bolshevik Platform, which also advocates looser federalism and was trying to piggy-back its other ideological causes onto the original autonomy movement.  The Kremlin also threatened to ban the B.B.C., which had broken the story on the Siberian movement a few weeks ago.


Siberia is merely those parts of Russia which are in Asia, i.e. east of the Ural Mountains.  It is not a political entity in its own right, but the new wave of activists is calling for a Republic of Siberia within the Russian Federation.  The federation’s 83 constituent parts (85 if you accept this year’s annexation of Crimea) include 22 republics, most named for a particular ethnic minority.  They have varying degrees of autonomy, but mostly very little.


But the regional-autonomy idea is spreading to other ethnic-Russian regions—making this, incidentally, a fairly separate phenomenon from the mostly ethnic and sectarian movements for autonomy and independence such as those in the North Caucasus, Tatarstan, or even those large parts of Siberia away from the cities, where tribal cultures predominate.


A similar march was also being planned for the same weekend in Yekaterinburg, capital of Sverdlovsk Oblast (province).  That choice of location is highly symbolic.  Yekaterinburg was named for Empress Catherine, wife of Peter the Great, but was called Sverdlovsk during the Communist era, named for Yakov Sverdlov, a Russian Jewish Bolshevik party leader.  In 1918, Yekaterinburg was where Czar Nicholas’s family was cornered and executed by Bolsheviks amid the Russian Revolution.  And in 1993, two years after the Soviet Union imploded, the ethnic-German governor of Sverdlovsk Oblast (the oblast kept its Soviet name, while the city reverted to its imperial label) declared it an autonomous Urals Republic in federation with Russia itself.  Neighboring oblasts considered joining too, such as the vast Tyumen Oblast, which stretches from the Kazakhstan desert to the Arctic Ocean and is over a half-million square miles.  But President Boris Yeltsin, a Sverdlovsk Oblast native, shut the self-declared republic down after ten days.  Three other oblasts—Tomsk, Irkutsk, and Amur—also attempted, and failed, to set up republics around the same time.  Feliks Rivkin, one of the current Sverdlovsk autonomist leaders, says that he is merely trying to get the Kremlin to live up to provisions for autonomy in the federal constitution—a document which has been put through the shredder since Vladimir Putin took office.

Yekaterinburg, 1918
Also planned for August 17th was a march in Krasnodar, capital of Krasnodar Krai, between the Black Sea and the North Caucasus.  Using the same federalist slogan Siberian activists use—“Stop Feeding Moscow!”—the Krasnodar autonomists are calling for the reestablishment of a Kuban Republic.  Historical resonances abound here as well.  During the Russian Civil War that followed the 1917 revolution, Cossacks loyal to the Mensheviks—the “White” army opposed to the “Red” Bolsheviks—established several short-lived republics in southwestern Russia, including the Don Republic, the Terek Republic, and, in an area roughly corresponding to today’s Krasnodar Krai, the Kuban People’s Republic.  And Krasnodar Krai includes the Black Sea resort city of Sochi, which hosted this year’s Winter Olympics and was the focus of so much anger from the region’s native Circassians (discussed at the time in this blog in articles here, here, here, and here).

Locations of Cossack republics and other short-lived entities
during the Russian Civil War.  (The approximate area of the
Terek Republic is shown in green and white stripes.)
It is not known if Cossacks are involved in the current movement there, but a year ago, during the inception of Ukraine’s Euro-Maidan movement that led to the current Russian–Ukrainian war (let’s just stop beating around the bush and call it that, okay?), Kuban Cossacks in Kyiv, the Ukrainian capital, called for the annexation of the area they (the Cossacks) were still calling the Kuban Republic.  Mostly, this was a rhetorical move in response to the suggestion by the neo-fascist Russian nationalist firebrand Vladimir Zhirinovsky that Russia annex up to a third of Ukraine’s territory (a policy which was crazy then but which Putin is now apparently pursuing).  In any case, at least some westward-leaning Cossacks clearly regard the Kuban, a.k.a. Krasnodar, region as their homeland.

The coat-of-arms of the Kuban People’s Republic.
(Is this just the greatest coat-of-arms ever?  I think it might be.)
Meanwhile, in Kaliningrad Oblast, an exclave wedged between Lithuania and Poland on the Baltic Sea and cut off from the rest of Russia, there are stirrings of autonomy as well.  This territory was part of Germany’s region of Pomerania, before it was given to Russia after the Second World War—and renamed for Mikhail Kalinin, a Bolshevik politician.  Though the oblast is now overwhelmingly ethnic-Russian—Germans were relocated from there at war’s end—there has been a steady stream of Volga Germans (ethnic kin of the Sverdlovsk governor Eduard Rossel, referred to above) settling there since the fall of Communism.  Kaliningraders tend to prefer their capital’s former name, Königsberg, and over 60% of them have foreign passports.  Many of them feel more Western European than Russian, and they like to wave Prussian flags.  A popular affectionate name for this wedge of land is Yantarny Krai (Янтарный край), or the Amber Country.  Vladimir Titov, a Moscow-based expert, calls Kaliningrad “the single place in Russia where at present regionalism as a political direction has real prospects.”


It has been difficult to find news on how things played out on the day of action in Kaliningrad, Krasnodar, and Yekaterinburg.  In all three cities, marches and demonstrations were banned but organizers said they would go ahead and march anyway.  I will be keeping readers informed of further developments.

Kaliningrad’s occasionally pro-independence and thus banned Baltic Republican Party
uses a Russian tricolor overlaid with the emblem of NATO—heresy in Putin’s Russia—
for their proposed “Baltic Republic.”


[You can read more about Siberia, Kaliningrad, Sverdlovsk, and many other sovereignty and independence movements both famous and obscure in my new book, a sort of encyclopedic atlas just published by Litwin Books under the title Let’s Split! A Complete Guide to Separatist Movements and Aspirant Nations, from Abkhazia to Zanzibar.  The book, which contains 46 maps and 554 flags (or, more accurately, 554 flag images), is available for order now on Amazon.  Meanwhile, please “like” the book (even if you haven’t read it yet) on Facebook and see this interview for more information on the book.]


Thanks to Jeff Groton for alerting me to some of the sources used for this article.


Cossacks patrolling the Winter Olympics this year in Sochi,
to be part of a proposed revived Kuban Republic.
Related articles from this blog:

“Meanwhile, at the Other End of the Empire ... Putin Scrambles to Squash Siberian Autonomy Movement” (Aug. 2014)
“Kremlin Hand behind Alaska Annexation Petition on White House Website?” (April 2014)
“‘Separatism’ Added to List of Things Russians Aren’t Allowed to Talk about” (Nov. 2013)
“Putin Wants to Revive Stalin’s Old ‘Jewish Region’ in Siberia; Israel Not Amused” (Aug. 2013)
“Will Siberia Become the 51st State—or Maybe 51 through 77?” (Jan. 2012)



Tuesday, August 5, 2014

Meanwhile, at the Other End of the Empire ... Putin Scrambles to Squash Siberian Autonomy Movement


While President Vladimir Putin seems committed to clawing back bits of territory on his western flank that used to be part of the former Soviet Union (Crimea, the Donbas, Abkhazia, etc.), a gigantic territory in the east is stirring to loosen, or even sever, its ties to Moscow.  The response has been swift and harsh.  But whether the Kremlin is nipping this movement in the bud or fanning its flames remains to be seen.


The region in question is Siberia, and even “gigantic” is an understatement.  Not a political entity at all in its own right at present, Siberia simply refers to all of the parts of the Russian Federation that are in Asia, i.e. east of the Ural Mountains.  This 13-million-square-kilometer territory makes up more than three-quarters of the Russian Federation as a whole and just shy of a whopping 10% of the land surface of the entire world—though its mostly frigid vastness contains only just over a quarter of Russia’s population.  If independent, Siberia would take over from Russia its centuries-long status as largest country in the world—Canada would still be a trailing second—and knock what’s left of Russia down to number seven, between Australia and India.  More to the point, Siberia contains most of Russia’s timber and mineral resources, plus the long Arctic Ocean coastline that could help Russia dominate the globe in the coming century as global warming frees unknowably vast energy resources from its ice cover (unless global warming kills us all first, of course (sorry to bring that up)).

This diagonal green-and-white flag is the most common Siberian regionalist flag in the modern period.
Although hundreds of indigenous ethnic groups call Siberia home, the population is over 90% ethnically Russian and over 70% urban.  (Then there’s the Jewish Autonomous Oblast, but that’s a long story.)  It is these descendants of late-Czarist-era pioneer settlers, plus more recent migrants and exiles, that are behind the current drive to give more autonomy to Siberia, not indigenous peoples, who have their own quiet drives for more autonomy and, in some cases, dormant secessionist movements (as in Tuva and Yakutia (Sakha)).

Yet another proposed Siberian flag
In just the past couple weeks, the Russian government has blocked a page on Vkontakte (the “Russian Facebook”) called “March to Federate Siberia” (Марш за федерализацию Сибири) which calls for devolution of powers from Moscow to the east—not actual secession.  The page was rallying for a march to be held August 17th in Novosibirsk, which is not just Siberia’s most populous city but the third-most-populous in Russia as a whole.  About 2,000 people had pledged to join the march, but now, according to a B.B.C. report, anyone surfing over to the page from a computer in Russia sees only a message reading, “Access is limited on the orders of the law-enforcement agencies.”

An image from online announcements for the August 17th march for federalism.
A white-and-green horizontal bicolor like this was used by the original independence movement
during the Russian civil war, but as far as I can tell the stylized black snowflake
(or are those Christian crosses? or gears?) is a fresh addition.
The march, which is being planned with the slogan, “Stop Feeding Russia!”, is designed to press for the establishment of a Republic of Siberia which would have considerably more autonomy than republics do now—especially when it comes to keeping in its own budget the wealth generated from Siberia’s natural resources.  (Russia’s first post-Communist president, Boris Yeltsin, lured separatist republics like Tatarstan and Kalmykia into the new Russian Federation with promises of more autonomy, but his successor, Putin, has reversed course and created a heavily centralized empire, where the more potentially restive regions are run not by elected leaders but by cronies directly appointed by the Kremlin.)

Glorious overall-wearing Siberian proletariat
smashes élitist oligarchs!
Siberian activists are quick to point out the Kremlin’s hypocrisy in making merely talking about separatism in Russia a crime against the state (see an article from this blog on that legislation) while actively supporting separatism in places like Crimea, eastern Ukraine, Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh—shall I go on?  (Putin’s baldly Orwellian doublethink on this question is one of the reasons that Siberia’s southern neighbor, the People’s Republic of China—where breathing the word “separatism” is also a way to get an all-expenses-paid thirty-year stay in a “re-education camp”—has been very, very quiet on the Crimea issue.)


The current movement, centered to all appearances quite closely on Novosibirsk, features artists as its central figures, including Artem Loskutov, who runs a blog on the topic.  The fact that Loskutov’s public rallies have often seemed more like satirical, culture-jamming “happenings” than serious political endeavors does not seem to make the Kremlin view the prospect of an August 17th march any more kindly.  But Loskutov makes clear that this is all hardly a prank, and that he is not alone.  He told an interviewer recently, “I’m not an ideologist.  Everything is very decentralized, as befits those advocating decentralization.  I will take part in this protest as on ordinary person who cares about the future of Siberia and Russia as a whole.”  Loskutov also seemed to carefully dodge questions about rumored plans to be appoint him “people’s mayor” of Novosibirsk, which would echo the terminology of the Donetsk People’s Republic and Lugansk People’s Republic rebels in eastern Ukraine, with whom the Siberian autonomy movement shares almost nothing ideologically.

Artem Loskutov
The movement, Loskutov said, is “not about separatism, it’s in full compliance with the law.  We are talking about creating a new region within Russia.  ...  Our [Russia’s] constitution provides for independence [“autonomy” is closer to his meaning here] of regions, the law just has to be put to work.  We must have as much autonomy as possible.  ...  Siberia gives away her resources and gets piles of dumb laws in return.”

A surfeit of flag proposals can be found in readers’ uploads
to the Siberian movement’s banned Vkontakte page.
Loskutov’s approach is not new.  Siberian autonomy has long been the domain of bohemians.  The anarchist philosopher Mikhail Bakunin advocated Siberian independence as long ago as the 1860s, and even tossed out the idea of letting Siberia link up with Alaska and become part of the United States, as a way of letting democracy into Eurasia from the east.  (See an article from this blog on the idea of Siberia as the 51st state.  See another article from this blog on the opposite scenario: Alaska joining Russia.)

Mikhail Bakunin: Siberia’s first separatist
During the Russian Civil War that followed the 1917 Leninist revolution, Mensheviks in Irkutsk declared an autonomous Siberia and maintained it for a while with the help of Czech and Slovak fighters, before Bolsheviks finally crushed the movement and absorbed it into the new Soviet Union.  And around the time of the 2010 census, artists kicked up dust in anger over census-takers’ refusal to accept “Siberian” as a self-declared “nationality.”  And the avant-garde novelist and conceptual artist Artur Solomonov is among the current drive’s most prominent backers.

Victorious Bolsheviks posing with the corpses
of Czech and Slovak pro-Siberian insurgents in 1917.
It seems unlikely that Novosibirsk on August 17th will turn into something as game-changing as the Euro-Maidan movement in Kyiv, Ukraine’s capital.  But, even in the face of Putin’s pitiless assault on Ukraine, Russian regional autonomists are showing that they are no longer cowed into silence.  In fact, in Kaliningrad Oblast (formerly Königsberg), Russia’s easternmost point, an exclave that Josef Stalin scooped up from Nazi Germany as war booty in 1945, autonomists are now planning their own “Stop Feeding Moscow” march timed to coincide with Novosibirsk’s.

Kaliningrad too?  (And, yes, those are Prussian flags.)
Some sort of giant may be stirring in its sleep.


[You can read more about Siberia and many other sovereignty and independence movements both famous and obscure in my new book, a sort of encyclopedic atlas just published by Litwin Books under the title Let’s Split! A Complete Guide to Separatist Movements and Aspirant Nations, from Abkhazia to Zanzibar.  The book, which contains 46 maps and 554 flags (or, more accurately, 554 flag images), is available for order now on Amazon.  Meanwhile, please “like” the book (even if you haven’t read it yet) on Facebook and see this interview for more information on the book.]


Copious thanks are due to Jeff Groton for directing me to many of these sources.

Saturday, April 5, 2014

Kremlin Hand behind Alaska Annexation Petition on White House Website?

“Obama, think about Alaska!” reads one sign at a pro-Crimea-annexation rally in Moscow.
A couple weeks ago in this blog I reported on a petition on the White House’s “We the People” website seeking to return Alaska to Russia in the wake of Vladimir Putin’s Blitzkrieg/Blitzwahl annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea region last month.


Uploaded on March 21st, the petition states, with steel-trap logic, “Groups Siberian russians crossed the Isthmus (now the Bering Strait) 16-10 thousand years ago.  Russian began to settle on the Arctic coast, Aleuts inhabited the Aleutian Archipelago.  First visited Alaska August 21, 1732, members of the team boat St. Gabriel under the surveyor Gvozdev and assistant navigator I. Fedorov during the expedition Shestakov and DI Pavlutski 1729-1735 years.  Vote for secession of Alaska from the United States and joining Russia.”  (Who could argue with that?)  As of April 5th, the petition had 38,819 signatures, well on the way to the 100,000 signatures needed to require a response from the President.


Initially we knew only that the petition had been uploaded by one “S.V.,” of Anchorage.  Now the Moscow Times reveals that the original petition was in fact created by what it describes, not completely helpfully, as “an organization called Government Communication G2C, a pro-Kremlin ‘communications platform.’”

A popular “take back Alaska” meme in Russian social media.
Will someone please remind Russians that penguins live in the Antarctic, not the Arctic?
The Kremlin is not itself calling for the annexation of Alaska, which Czar Alexander II sold to the United States in 1867.  But many Russian are taught in school and reminded in the mass media that Alaska was only leased, not sold, though—like Russia’s media coverage of the Crimea crisis—that is not quite the way it went.  And Vladimir Chizhov, Putin’s envoy to the European Union, last month warned Senator John McCain, the U.S. Republican Party’s de facto foreign policy whip, who has lashed out strongly against the Crimean annexation, that he had better “watch over Alaska.”  The Guardian has also reported on an alleged clandestine tape-recording of jocular banter between two Russian diplomats in which Igor Chubarov, ambassador to Eritrea, appears to joke, “We’ve got Crimea, but that’s not fucking all folks.  In the future we’ll damn well take your Catalonia and Venice, and also Scotland and Alaska.”  Chubarov adds that California and Florida look annexable as well, explaining, “Miamiland is fucking 95% Russian citizens.  We have a full right to hold a referendum.”  (Russia’s mostly state-controlled media has been vigorously milking the topic of separatist movements in the West, as though this clinched some argument about NATO’s double standards.)

Chizhov warns McCain
And a spokesman for G2C, Alexander Zhukov, said that the petition’s goal was not actually to return Alaska to Russia—“We understand that this is not plausible”—but instead “to show the White House that its petition system is a flawed democratic tool that allows anybody to ask for anything.  We are trying to protect the citizens of the U.S. by drawing attention to a tool that is said to be democratic but could be used by terrorists or other people with evil objectives.”  Wait, no—it allows anybody to ask for anything??  Someone needs to explain to Zhukov—and to Putin—that Alaskans actually like belonging to a country where all voices can be heard.  As usual, Russian ultranationalists who claim they are on the side of democracy are deeply unclear on the concept.



[You can read more about Alaska, Siberia, and other separatist movements both famous and obscure in my new book, a sort of encyclopedic atlas just published by Litwin Books under the title Let’s Split! A Complete Guide to Separatist Movements and Aspirant Nations, from Abkhazia to Zanzibar.  The book, which contains 46 maps and 554 flags (or, more accurately, 554 flag images), is available for order now on Amazon.  Meanwhile, please “like” the book (even if you haven’t read it yet) on Facebook and see this special announcement for more information on the book.]


Wednesday, March 26, 2014

After Crimea, Transnistria, Then Donetsk ... and Alaska? and Sardinia?? Annexation Fever Sweeps Globe

With a stroke of the pen, Crimea becomes Russian.
First, Crimea.  Next, many fear, Transnistria, or Abkhazia or South Ossetia, or eastern Ukraine ... except Donetsk, which might want to join ... the United Kingdom?  And, after that, the Kremlin lunges for ... Alaska??

Russia’s annexation of Crimea this month has proven to be a game-changer in international relations on a vast scale.  More immediately, the proliferation of independence movements, as typically chronicled in this blog, now seems to be overshadowed for the moment by a flurry of interest in annexation.  Last year, this blog examined a desire by some indigenous people on Easter Island to leave Chile and join French Polynesia.  Orcadians and Shetlanders (as also chronicled in this blog) are reminding their more separatist Scots compatriots that there may be a legal basis for reexamining if the Orkneys and Shetlands might really be part of the Kingdom of Denmark, not Scotland or the U.K.  And, as just reported recently in this blog, Albanian-speakers in Serbia are reviving the idea of Albania annexing their little valley.  Not at all frivolously, the international community worries that many heretofore independentist movements along Russia’s outer rim may be turning annexationist instead.  Some of these new developments (Transnistria) can be taken more seriously than others (Alaska), but it is definitely a trend.  Read on ...

Crimea’s awkward resonances: Austrian girls celebrating Germany’s annexation
of Austria in 1938, which used the same rationales as Putin uses today
Transnistria
The Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic, also known as Pridnestrovia or, in English, Transdniestria or Transnistria, is a sliver of the Republic of Moldova just over the Dniester River alongside Ukraine which in 1990 seceded from Moldova but as yet has not been recognized by any other state.  This Russian puppet state’s half-million people are roughly one-third ethnic Russian, one-third ethnic Ukrainian, and one-third ethnic Moldovan (i.e. Romanian-speakers).  Last week, for the first time, Transnistria formally requested the Russian Federation to annex the territory, and the Russian government was at last report officially considering the idea.

Is Transnistria next?
The territory’s foreign minister, Nina Shtanski, formerly known mostly for her flamboyantly fashionable garb and fashion-model looks, said this week, “We are pleased to say that the outcome of the Crimean referendum almost fully coincides with the results of the Transdniestrian referendum of 17 September 2006, when over 97 per cent of voters chose independence and the prospect of voluntary unification with Russia.  The obvious match of the will expressed by people in Crimea and Transdniestria demonstrates that the Russian World is uniting and the people’s wish for unity cannot be stopped.”  (Last week in this blog, I examined the possibility of annexation of Transnistria, along with, possibly, South Ossetia and Abkhazia.)

Tiraspol or ... um ... bust: Transnistria’s foreign minister
shoots Russian troops a “come hither and annex us” look.
Philip Breedlove, a United States Air Force general who is supreme commander of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), on March 23rd identified Transnistria as the next possible trouble spot. He said Russia has “absolutely sufficient force”—a “very, very sizeable and very, very ready” force—“postured on the eastern border of Ukraine to run to Transdniestria if the decision was made to do that, and that is very worrisome.”

Posters in Transnistria assert, “We are not Moldova!” and remind citizens
of the date of the 2006 referendum on joining Russia.
Meanwhile, according to Russian “peacekeepers” in Transnistria, the Ukrainian government has sealed off the Ukrainian–Moldovan (i.e. de facto Ukrainian–Transnistrian) border, specifically blocking males with Russian passports from crossing into the separatist enclave.  And Russia has augmented its 500-some “peacekeepers” with a totally unconnected and coincidental military exercise in Transnistria featuring more than 8,000 Russian soldiers.  As with Crimea and Ukraine, a Transnistrian annexation would have the advantage for Russia’s president, Vladimir Putin, of making sure that Moldova, with a disputed territory on its eastern rim, would stay out of the European Union (E.U.) and NATO for the foreseeable future, let alone reunifying, as most ethnic Moldovans and Romanians would like, with Romania, which is an E.U. and NATO member.  Watch this space for Transnistrian developments (and, probably, lots more photos of Nina Shtanski).

Nina Shtanski, Transnistria’s minister for foreign affairs,
vamps for the cameras at a cabinet photo-op
Southern and eastern Ukraine
Though Transnistria does not border either Crimea or any part of Russia proper, it does border Ukraine’s primarily Russian-speaking Odessa Oblast; in between Odessa and Crimea is Ukraine’s Novorossiya (“New Russia”) region dominated by Russian-speakers.  Even the Soviet Union’s last leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, has said that Novorossiya and Crimea are essentially part of Russia, not Ukraine.  (Gorbachev, though he is a Nobel laureate and ranked somewhere between Abraham Lincoln and Mahatma Gandhi by adoring Westerners for allowing the Soviet satellites of Central Europe and the Balkans to break free, he is regarded by nervous non-Russians still under the Kremlin’s thumb as the brute who sent tanks into Lithuania and by Russian nationalists as the Neville Chamberlain–esque buffoon who naïvely capitulated to the enemy.)

The future?
It seems likely that Russian forces could at least establish a supply corridor along the Black Sea coast to supply the semi-landlocked Transnistria, via the desirable warm-water harbor at Odessa, and possible that they could widen that corridor into more territory to annex.  For that, Russia would need the support of the Russian-speaking population.  Unlike in Crimea, mainland Ukraine’s Russian-speakers often identify themselves as nationally or ethnically Ukrainian, not Russian.  But Ukrainian as a national identity completely distinct from Russian is a relatively recent development.  Russophones’ sense that they are “Russian-speaking Ukrainians” could quickly give way to a reidentification with Russia—as is already true of an unknown but surely large number of them.


Meanwhile, Sergey “Goblin” Aksyonov, the unelected Russian-installed president of Crimea, a former boxer with organized-crime links, is asking Russian-speakers in Ukraine’s south and east to do just that: rise up.  “Today,” he said on March 23rd, “I appeal to you with a call to fight,” adding that he was “deeply convinced” that the destiny of southeastern Ukraine “rested in a close union with the Russian Federation—a political, economic and cultural union.”

Russian ultranationalist annexationists demonstrate in Donetsk.
The black and orange emblem is the Soviet-era “St. George’s Ribbon” for military valor
—here jauntily adapted to the armband format for that Gestapo feel.
Donetsk
Last week (March 19th) in Donetsk, capital of the home oblast of Ukraine’s recently toppled ethnically-Russian pro-Kremlin president, Viktor Yanukovych, it was reported that pro-Kremlin activists were passing out “referendum ballots” on the street, with a single question as to whether Donetsk Oblast should be part of Russia or Ukraine.  (This follows a dramatic aborted coup d’état last month, reported at the time in this blog here and here, in which a former neo-Nazi named Pavel Gubarev declared an independent Donetsk Republic and invited Russian troops in, before being arrested himself.)  Annexation petitions continue to circulate, and annexationists have been demonstrating daily under the city’s statue of Vladimir Lenin.  Counterdemonstrations by Ukrainian unionists have also been prominent.  The city seems to be fairly evenly divided.


But some pranksters are using satire to make their point about flimsy irredentist pretexts.  An unknown group is circulating on social media a petition to make the city of Donetsk part of the United Kingdom. The reasoning is that Donetsk was founded as a factory town in 1869 by a businessman from Wales named John Hughes.  The town was originally called Yuzovka, which to Russian ears sounds close enough to Hughes’s name.  Though the petition gathered over 7,000 signatures in the first few days, there was almost certainly no hope behind it.  The prank can also be seen as a dark commentary on how different things would be if Ukraine, or any part of it, were in NATO.

John Hughes’ statue in downtown Donetsk—almost as heroic-looking as Lenin’s
Russia’s “far abroad”: Alaska
Much of the concern over where Putin might seek to march his soldiers next has focused on what Russian nationalists call their “near abroad,” i.e. the parts of the former Soviet Union outside the Russian Federation.  But these are not the only formerly Russian-ruled parts of the world, if Moscow wants to get truly ambitious in their irredentism.  There is also Russian America, i.e. Alaska, which Czar Alexander II sold to the United States in 1867.  Now there is a new petition on the White House’s “We the People” online petition page titled “Alaska Back to Russia.”  Placed there on March 21st, the petition gathered over 10,000 signatures in three days.  At this writing (March 25th), it has 24,129, almost a quarter of the way to the 100,000 required for an obligatory response from the White House.  As reported in this blog at the time, this petition site was the forum for a raft of declarations of independence from the U.S. following the reelection of Barack Obama in 2012.  Not surprisingly, most of those were from the former Confederate States of America, but all states were represented (plus the Republic of Molossia and the State of Jefferson), and only Texas’s petition reached 100,000.  (Obama’s answer: fuhgeddaboudit.)

The good old days—at least according to 24,129 Alaskans
It is hard to know what to make of the “back to Russia” petition.  The petitions are posted anonymously, as are the signatures, but the location of the originating computer is recorded, and this one was posted by someone in Anchorage.  That doesn’t mean he or she is an American citizen.  In fact, this petition’s tortured syntax can well be imagined as that of a Russian with partial knowledge of English.  It reads: “Groups Siberian russians crossed the Isthmus (now the Bering Strait) 16-10 thousand years ago.  Russian began to settle on the Arctic coast, Aleuts inhabited the Aleutian Archipelago.  First visited Alaska August 21, 1732, members of the team boat St. Gabriel under the surveyor Gvozdev and assistant navigator I. Fedorov during the expedition Shestakov and DI Pavlutski 1729-1735 years.  Vote for secession of Alaska from the United States and joining Russia.”  Although it is approximately as coherent and sound as Putin’s rationale for invading Crimea, it is difficult to know if this is a Russian or American attempting a parody of the Crimean situation or if it is the work of a Russian provocateur trying to stir up separatism in Alaska.  The latter sounds unlikely until one considers the off-kilter understanding that even powerful Russian officials seem to have of the West.  The Russian media are full of stories about all the separatist movements in Europe and America—as though the existence of a few drooling hillbillies with “Republic of Texas” bumper stickers on their bricked-up pick-ups somehow are evidence that Obama is a rank hypocrite for objecting to Crimean separatism.  Perhaps the petition is the work of a bored and slightly unhinged Russian agent’s idea of “stirring the pot.”

In 1826, Russian settlers and Tlingit Indians traded goods—and sometimes
gunfire—at Novo-Arkhangelsk, today called Sitka.  Could it happen again?
The frigid border area between Russia and America has been the focus of Russian nationalist nervousness before.  In 2011, as reported at the time in this blog, the online Pravda—which everyone but John McCain knows is not the Communist Party mouthpiece but a low-brow tabloid, a sort of Russian Weekly World News—ran a story reacting with alarm to little more than a possibly tongue-in-cheek Facebook campaign to turn Siberia over to the U.S.  (This idea had been advocated as long ago as 1861 by the Russian anarchist thinker Mikhail Bakhunin, who thought Siberia should be independent and should eventually ally itself with America so that revolutionary leftist ideas—in this case ideas so far left that they are practically far-right, and thus potentially appealing to modern Alaskans—can spread from Russia to North America.)  And in 2000, the Russian Orthodox archbishop for Siberia’s eastern tip sounded the alarm, claiming that Protestant missionaries among the local indigenous Chukchi people were an advance force for a planned American takeover of the vast Chukotka Autonomous Okrug.

Mikhail Bakunin, who was way more anarchist than Sarah Palin or Ron Paul,
had the opposite idea: absorb Siberia into the U.S.
Sardinia, the “Maritime Canton”?
Perhaps slightly more serious is a new proposal by separatists in the Autonomous Region of Sardinia to secede from the Italian Republic and join the Swiss Confederation as something called Canton Marittimo, i.e. “the Maritime Canton.”  The movement’s co-founder, Andrea Caruso, says, “People laugh when we say we should go to become part of Switzerland.  That’s to be expected.  But the madness does not lie in putting forward this kind of suggestion.  The madness lies in how things are now.”  This can be seen as a riposte to Sardinian separatists, who want to leave Italy but have, some say, unrealistic ideas about the costs of full independence.


A new separatist coalition in Sardinia called Sardinia Possible (Sardegna Possibile, or S.P.) made a disappointingly low showing in last month’s regional elections—instead of the projected 25%, they fell far short of the 10% threshold for keeping any seats at all in the regional parliament.  But why Switzerland?  Well, for one thing, Italian is already one of Switzerland’s official languages—though the Sardinian dialect of Italian is really a separate language, and is in some ways closer to Spanish than to the Italian spoken on the mainland.  For another, Switzerland is not in the E.U., which for many Sardinians nowadays is a plus, even if their anti-Brussels feeling does not stem from libertarianism or xenophobia as does that of separatists in northern Italy.


Additionally, there is possibly a sly joking reference in the idea to the fact that Swiss tourists are enamored of beaches, and a feeling during the summers that German-speakers already treat Mediterranean beaches as though they owned them.  A similar subtext underlay a tongue-in-cheek proposal two years ago by the island of Ikaria, in Greece, to be annexed by the Republic of Austria (as reported at the time in this blog).  Possibly not catching the joke, 83% of Austrians in a poll at the time thought annexing Ikaria was a good idea.  Similarly, a recent online poll of 4,000 German-speaking Swiss found 93% favored annexing Sardinia.  But it won’t happen.  Swiss are not only fiercely xenophobic—so xenophobic that even Italian-speaking Swiss are treated like dirty foreigners in Zurich and Bern—but enamored enough of their prosperity and stability that they would be loath to take on a dirt-poor territory, nearly as large as Switzerland itself, which is racked by organized crime and blood feuds.

Would she really trade that flag in for a square one?
Pipe dreams about Ikaria, Sardinia, and Alaska aside, there is nothing parodic or tongue-in-cheek about Putin’s imperialist ambitions.  Transnistria may very well be next.  Watch this space for developments.

Where will it end?



[You can read more about Transnistria, Alaska, Sardinia, the Donetsk People’s Republic, and other separatist movements both famous and obscure in my new book, a sort of encyclopedic atlas just published by Litwin Books under the title Let’s Split! A Complete Guide to Separatist Movements and Aspirant Nations, from Abkhazia to Zanzibar.  The book, which contains 46 maps and 554 flags (or, more accurately, 554 flag images), is available for order now on Amazon.  Meanwhile, please “like” the book (even if you haven’t read it yet) on Facebook and see this special announcement for more information on the book.]




Transnistria’s foreign minister, Nina Shtanski, catches a Black Sea breeze.
Related articles from this blog:
“Serbia’s Albanians Turn Kosovo–Crimea Parallels on Their Head, Ask Tirana to Annex Preševo Valley” (March 2014)
“What Next after Crimea’s ‘Referendum’?” (March 2014)

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